Alexander Peden, Glen Trool and ‘a Feather out of Antichrist’s Wing’

•May 26, 2012 • Leave a Comment

In March, 1685, Alexander Peden and a party of armed followers landed in Galloway. At some point in the next few months, he preached against the new Catholic monarch, James VII, at Craigminn, which lies close to the martyrs’ graves at Caldons Wood in Glentrool and the site of King Robert Bruce’s victory in the Battle of Glen Trool.

Craigminn, aka. Craigmyne, is a hill which lies in Minnigaff parish, Kirkcudbrightshire, close to a mountain biking route.

Map of Craigminn

Craigminn © Andy Farrington and licensed for reuse.

‘Upon a Sabbath-Night, he preached in a Shield or Sheep-house, in a desert Place; a Man standing at the Door as he came in, he gripped him, and said, Where are you going, Sir, and what brought you here? go Home, Sir, go Home, ye’ve neither Art nor Part with us, there will be a black Account heard of you ere long! Accordingly, very shortly thereafter he went to Edinburgh, and took that black Test.’ (Walker, BP, I, 63-4.)

From clues in the description in the preaching – Craigminn, the sheep house and the burn – it may have taken in one of the sheep folds near Glenhead at the foot of Craigminn.

From the contents of the sermon, it appears to date to before the end of the Argyll Rising in mid June, 1685. Peden had been drawn back to Scotland from exile in Ireland after James VII had succeeded to the crowns of Scotland, England and Ireland. According to Patrick Walker, Peden’s return was due to the onset of the Killing Times. The combination of the Killing Times and James VII was a propaganda gift to the Societies, due to its intoxicating blend of a Catholic monarch and Protestant martyrs. It also caused the hostile ranks of the moderate presbyterian ministry against the Societies to break for the first time with Peden’s return.

Preaching on the wall of a sheep fold, Peden delivered a sermon on the herdsman prophet Amos’s third vision, citing Amos 7.8, in which the Lord stood on a wall with a plumbline in his hand and said: ‘I will set a Plumb-line in the midst of my people Israel: I will not again pass by them any more’. It was undoubtedly a vivid image for his upland audience. His sermon condemned the moderate-presbyterian ministry:

‘That Night he lectured upon the 7th Chapter of Amos, And I will set a Plumb-line in the Midst of my People, the House of Israel: He cried out, Oh, how few of the Ministers of Scotland will answer this Plumb-line! Lord send us a Welwood, a Cargill and a Cameron, and such as they, and make us quit of the Rest: And I will rise against the House of Jeroboam with the Sword.’ (Walker, BP, I, 64.)

He also picked up on the next verse of Amos to foretell an apocalyptic struggle which would see James VII, aka. The Duke of York, banished, the Stewart dynasty ended, and persecution stopped:

‘He said, I’ll tell you good News, Our Lord will take a Feather out of Antichrist’s Wing, which shall bring down the Duke of York, and banish him out of these Kingdoms, and will remove the bloody Sword from above the Heads of his People; and there shall never a Man of the Name of Stewart sit upon the Throne of Britain after the Duke of York, whose Reign is now short, for their Leachery, Treachery, Tyranny, and shedding the precious Blood of the Lord’s People; but Oh, Black, black, black will the Day be, that will come upon Ireland, that they shall travel Forty Miles, and not see a Reeking-house, nor hear a Cock crow:’ (Walker, BP, I, 64.)

He was certain that the Lord would wreak devastation, but believed that the blood testimony of the martyrs who had refused the Abjuration would assuage the Lord in His judgment:

‘At this he started up to his Feet, and clapt his Hands, and with a ravishing Voice, cried aloud, Glory, Glory to the Lord, that has accepted a bloody Sacrifice of a seal’d Testimony off Scotland’s Hand; we have a bloody Clout to hold up, and the Lads that got the Bullets through their Heads, the last Day at Glentroll, their Blood has made the Clout the redder; when our Lord looks upon the bloody Clout, he will keep the Sword of his avenging Justice in the Sheath for a Time:’ (Walker, BP, I, 64.)

The ‘lads’ at Glentrool to which Peden referred were the six Society people killed at nearby Caldons in January, 1685.

Map of Caldons

However, Peden also warned that:

‘But if Scotland shall not consider the merciful Day of their Visitation, nor his long-suffering Patience and Forbearance, lead them to Repentance, as we fear it will not, but harden them in their Sin; and the greater Part turn Gospel-proof, and Judgment-proof, and wax worse and worse; then will the Lord accomplish all that he has threatned, well deserved, foreseen and foretold of Day of Vengeance; when he begins, he will also make an End, especially against the House of Eli, for the Iniquity, which they cannot but know.’ (Walker, BP, I, 64-5.)

Long Loch Burn © Andy Farrington and licensed for reuse.

‘When ended, he and those that were with him, lay down in the Sheep House, and got some Sleep; he rose early, and went up the Burn-side, and stayed long; when he came in to them, he did sing the 32d Psalm from the 7th Verse to the End;’

Thou art my hiding place; thou shalt preserve me from trouble; thou shalt compass me about with songs of deliverance. Selah.
I will instruct thee and teach thee in the way which thou shalt go: I will guide thee with mine eye.
Be ye not as the horse, or as the mule, which have no understanding: whose mouth must be held in with bit and bridle, lest they come near unto thee.
Many sorrows shall be to the wicked: but he that trusteth in the Lord, mercy shall compass him about.
Be glad in the Lord, and rejoice, ye righteous: and shout for joy, all ye that are upright in heart. (PSS. 32. 7-11.)

‘When ended, he repeated the 7th Verse. Thou art my hiding Place, thou shalt from Trouble keep me free; Thou with Songs of Deliverance about shalt compass me. Saying, These and the following are sweet Lines, which I got at the Burn-side this Morning, and we’ll get mo[re] to Morrow, and so we’ll get daily Provision: He was never behind with any that put their Trust in him, and he will not be in our Common, nor none who needily depends on him; and so we will go on in his Strength, making Mention of his Righteousness, and of his only.’ (Walker, BP, I, 65.)

Peden’s sermon was an explicit declaration of support for the Society peoples’ cause. At around the same time, James Renwick stated that Peden had returned ‘to join with us’ and that he was ‘clear in all things’. In early May, Renwick wrote that he did not dread any ‘hostile draft’ from Peden, although he had not yet met him. At some point, probably before mid June, Renwick and Peden had an amicable meeting at Cairntable, where Renwick invited him to preach along with him. However, when it became clear that Renwick opposed joining the Argyll Rising, Peden turned against him.

Who was at the Craigminn Preaching?
The source for Peden’s preaching at Craigminn is Patrick Walker’s Life of Peden. Walker claimed to have had several sources for it. According to Walker, James Cubison was with Peden:

‘The foresaid James Cubison went eight Miles with him; when he took Good-night, he said, Sir, I think I’ll never see you again: He said, James, Ye and I will never meet again in Time; and Two several Times when he went to Ireland before, when they parted, he told him, they would meet again.’ (Walker, BP, I, 65.)

Ballochbeatties © Mary and Angus Hogg and licensed for reuse.

James Cubison, who was Walker’s source for a few stories about Peden, lived at Ballochbeatties in Straiton parish, a farm which lies about ten miles to the north of Craigminn. Wodrow also collected accounts of the ‘sufferings’ of James and John Cubbison. (NLS MSS. Wod.Qu.XXXVII, f.252.)

Map of Ballochbeatties

Walker’s second informant was John Muirhead:

‘The said James [Cubison], John Muirhead, and others of our Sufferers who were present, gave me these Accounts.’ (Walker, BP, I, 65.)

John Muirhead was from either ‘Cambusnethan or Shotts’ parish in Lanarkshire. Muirhead was one of the twenty-six armed company who had returned with Peden from Ireland in early 1685. He was possibly the John Muirhead the Council ordered processed for refusing all oaths on 31 July 1685, and given to Pitlochie for banishment on 21 August 1685. (Wodrow, History, IV, 222-3.)

A third source for Walker was William McDougal in Creetown. He claimed that the Craigminn preaching had took place at around the same time as the deaths of Johnston, McIlroy and George Walker in Wigtown:

‘Three Lads murdered at Wigtoun; at the same time he [Alexander Peden] was Praying at Craigmyne, many Miles distant, he cryed out, There’s a Bloody Sacrifice put up this Day at Wigtoun; these are the Lads of Kirkelly [i.e, Kirkcalla]. And these who lived near; knew not of it till it was past. I had this Account from William M’Dougal, an old Man in Ferrytoun, near Wigtoun, worthy of Credit, who was present.’ (Walker, BP, I, 69.)

The three men executed at Wigtown appear to have been hanged in June or early July, 1685, which suggests that Peden preached at Craigminn in May or early June, 1685.

Text © Copyright Dr Mark Jardine. All Rights Reserved.

Notorious ‘Persecutors and Oppressors’ in the Restoration Scottish Army by Fines and Other Extractions

•May 24, 2012 • 2 Comments

In 1690, Alexander Shields listed the officers of the Scottish Army that the Societies viewed as the greatest oppressors of the people through fines, forfeitures and expropriation of property between 1679 and 1685. Shields generally listed the officers by rank and occasionally by unit. I have reordered the list by shire and regiment to indicate which officers and units operated each shire.

If you click on the officer’s name, it should take you to a list of posts about related killings and other mentions of the officer on this website.

aka. Colonel James Douglas

Galloway, i.e., Kirkcudbrightshire and Wigtownshire.
Colonel James Douglas of His Majesty’s Regiment of Foot Guards ‘exacted above 2000 Pounds Scots Money, in Galloway, Nithsdale, Shire of Aire, and other Places’.

Colonel John Graham of Claverhouse, of His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, ‘with his brother’ David Graham and subaltern Officers in Galloway, Nithsdale, and Anandale, exacted by Fines and otherwise, above 13500 pounds Scots money.’

Captain James Ogilvy, earl of Airlie, of His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, ‘and his Troup, in the same Shire [of Galloway].’

Captain Colin Lindsay, earl of Balcarres, His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, ‘a great Oppressor in Galloway, besides all the Roberries he committed in Fife.’

Captain John Inglis of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons ‘with his Troup, did dispossess many Families and got much spoil in Galloway, shire of Air, and Clidsdale.’

Captain John Strachan of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons, ‘with his Troup, oppressed and spoiled much in Galloway, &c other places.’

Lieutenant John Livingstone in Captain Strachan’s Troop of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons ‘a most violent Persecuter and Exacter’ [in Galloway].

Lieutenant Thomas Winram ‘in Galloway, a very vigilant Persecuter and Spoyler’. Winram was a lieutenant in Captain Francis Stuart’s company of dragoons in 1681 and returned to serve as captain-lieutenant in His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons by March 1685.

Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Buchan of Mar’s Regiment of Foot was ‘a most violent persecuter, in Galloway and Shire of Air, by Robberies took from the People upwards of 4000 pounds Scots.’

Captain Thomas Douglas of Mar’s Regiment of Foot ‘in Galloway, committed much outrage and spoil.’

Lieutenant William Burnett of Barnes in Captain Thomas Douglas’ company of Mar’s Regiment of Foot ‘also in the same Shire [of Galloway] took much Spoyl.’

The Earl of Linlithgow

The Earl of L[inl]ithgow ‘and his Souldiers, spoiled much in Galloway.’ Linlithgow was Colonel of His Majesty’s Regiment of Foot Guard until 13 June, 1684.

Major William Cockburn of the Lifeguards was ‘a great oppressor in Galloway’, almost certainly prior to his retirement in 1681. Cockburn was sent to Galloway in 1668.

Dumfriesshire, including Nithsdale and Annandale.
Colonel James Douglas of His Majesty’s Regiment of Foot Guards ‘exacted above 2000 Pounds Scots Money, in Galloway, Nithsdale, Shire of Aire, and other Places’.

Claverhouse

Colonel John Graham of Claverhouse, of His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, … and subaltern Officers in Galloway, Nithsdale, and Anandale, exacted by Fines and otherwise, above 13500 pounds Scots money.’

Lieutenant ‘Captain’ Alexander Bruce of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons ‘in Nithsdale.’

Captain John Dalziel of Mar’s Regiment of Foot ‘harassed much in Annandale.’

Lt-Gen. Drummond

Ayrshire, including Carrick.
Lieutenant-General William Drummond ‘besides the Forfaultries of Gentlemen, did also exact moneys of the poor in the Shire of Air.’

Colonel James Douglas of His Majesty’s Regiment of Foot Guards ‘exacted above 2000 Pounds Scots Money, in Galloway, Nithsdale, Shire of Aire, and other Places’.

Captain John Inglis of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons ‘with his Troup, did dispossess many Families and got much spoil in Galloway, shire of Air, and Clidsdale.’

Lieutenant Lewis Lauder in Captain Inglis’ troop of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons was ‘in the Shire of Air, a most outragious Persecuter and Oppressor.’

Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Buchan of Mar’s Regiment of Foot was ‘a most violent persecuter, in Galloway and Shire of Air, by Robberies took from the People upwards of 4000 pounds Scots.’

Major Andrew White of Mar’s Regiment of Foot ‘in Clidesdale and shire of Air, exacted by Fines and otherwise, above 2500. P[ounds]: Scots.’ White left the company and became Lieutenant-governor of Edinburgh Castle in 1682.

Lanarkshire (aka. Clydesdale).
Major John Balfour of Mar’s Regiment of Foot ‘a great persecuter and Oppressor in Clidesdale.’

Captain John Inglis of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons ‘with his Troup, did dispossess many Families and got much spoil in Galloway, shire of Air, and Clidsdale.’

Captain Adam Urquhart, Laird of Meldrum, of His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, in Clydesdale ‘in several Inroads uplifted from poor Families upwards of 2300 Pounds

James Irvine of Bonshaw ‘a Borderer, a Highway Man, afterwards an Officer of Dragoons, robbed much from the poor People in Clidsdale.’

Duncan Grant ‘a Creple with a Tree Leg, a very outragious Persecuter, exacted in Clidsdale from poor People, above 1500 pounds.’

Major Andrew White of Mar’s Regiment of Foot ‘in Clidesdale and shire of Air, exacted by Fines and otherwise, above 2500. P[ounds]: Scots.’ White left his company and became Lieutenant-governor of Edinburgh Castle in 1682.

Borders, including Merse, Teviotdale and Tweeddale.
Captain Adam Urquhart, Laird of Meldrum, of His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, exacted ‘vast summes’ in Merse and Teviotdale; with James Hume, Earl of Hume (d.1687), Harry Ker of Graden, John Riddell of Haining and George Pringle of Blindlee (d.1684); and in Tweeddale, with the Cornet James Naismith of Posso of His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, ‘all great Persecuters’.

Fife
Captain Colin Lindsay, earl of Balcarres, of His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse, ‘a great Oppressor in Galloway, besides all the Roberries he committed in Fife.’

Text © Copyright Dr Mark Jardine. All Rights Reserved.

The Craignorth Martyrs near Sanquhar

•May 19, 2012 • Leave a Comment

The two Covenanters killed at Craignorth belong to the realm of tradition, rather than history. They were first recorded by Simpson in Traditions of the Covenanters in 1846. Nonetheless, Simpson’s tradition about them does contains information about victims of the Killing Times who were recorded in the historical sources…

Simpson’s story about them is as follows:

‘In the beginning of the summer of 1685, a year in which the persecution raged fearfully in the south and west, six men fled from Douglasdale, namely, David Dun, Simon Paterson, John Richard, William Brown, Robert Morris, and James Welsh. In their wanderings they proceeded southward, and sought refuge among the more inaccessible heights in the upper parts of Nithsdale.’

Glenshalloch © Iain Thompson and licensed for reuse.

‘They concealed themselves in a thicket in a place called Glenshilloch, a little to the west of the mining village of Wanlockhead, in the parish of Sanquhar, and not far from the ancient farm-house of Cogshead.’

Glenshilloch is Glenshalloch, a remote glen in the Lowther Hills.

Map of Glenshalloch

Cogshead © Gordon Brown and licensed for reuse.

Cogshead was the site of the United Societies’ thirty-ninth convention on 9 June, 1688. On 6 May, 1685, the Societies were also forced to hold their nineteenth convention somewhere near the Crawick Water due to the presence of Lt-Gen. Drummond’s Highland forces.

Map of Cogshead

‘This house, now a shepherd’s cottage, is situated in a delightful glen, and surrounded by lofty and green mountains. It stands not far from the edge of a precipitous brow, the base of which is laved by the limpid brook that traverses the glen, and pours its slender streamlet into the River Crawick. In the times of our persecuted forefathers, the place must have been a desirable retreat, as even now there are no regular roads that lead to it, except the solitary footpaths which here and there mark out a track for pedestrians across the hills.’

Today, Cogshead in on the route of the Southern Upland Way.

‘The family which, at this time, resided in Cogshead, was related to William Brown, one of the wanderers who had taken refuge in Glenshilloch; and as the two places were contiguous, Brown made his way stealthily over the intervening height, and informed his friends of the circumstances in which he and his companions in suffering were placed. The sympathy of this household was easily gained, and an ample supply of provisions was conveyed to the men in their hiding place. It is not easy to say how long the party might have continued here among the dense brushwood during the warm days of summer, had not a strict search been made for them in all the glens and hills of the locality in which it was suspected they had taken refuge.’

Lord Drumlanrig

Drumlanrig’s Sweep Through the Lowthers
‘The report had reached Drumlanrig that a company of refugees from Douglas Water had eluded the pursuit of the dragoons, and were somewhere concealed in the wilds between the [water of] Mennock and the [water of] Crawick.’

‘Drumlanrig’ was Lieutenant-Colonel James Douglas, aka. Lord Drumlanrig. From late 1684, he commanded a troop of horse in His Majesty’s Regiment of Horse. He was the eldest son of William Douglas, first duke of Queensberry, and the nephew of Colonel James Douglas of the Regiment of Foot. He succeeded as duke of Queensberry in 1695 and played an infamous role in securing the Union of 1707.

‘On this information, Drumlanrig collected his troopers for a vigilant search. He formed his party into three divisions, one of which traversed the lonely stream of the Mennock, another the pastoral banks of the Crawick, and the third pursued the middle route by the dark Glendyne.’

The first two elements of Drumlanrig’s horse were sent through the Lowther Hills via the Crawick Pass, to the west of Cogshead, and the Mennock Pass, to the east of Cogshead.

Map of the Crawick Pass

Map of the Mennock Pass

The third party of horse under Drumlanrig headed through the hills via the Glendyne Burn, which lies just to the south of Cogshead.

Map of Glendyne

‘By this means it was confidently expected that the fugitives could not possibly escape, and more especially as no note of warning had been sounded in the district respecting the design of the persecutors. The six men who were lying among the hazel bushes, not anticipating any danger in their solitary retreat, had adopted no precautions in stationing a watch on any of the neighbouring heights to give notice of the approach of the enemy.’

The slope up from Glendyne © Chris Wimbush and licensed for reuse.

‘Drumlanrig himself conducted the middle division of the troopers; and having led them over the height in the north side of Glendyne, descended on the Water of Cog, and took his station on what is now denominated “The Martyr’s Knowe”—a romantic elevation at the lower end of an abrupt ravine, called by the shepherds “The Howken.”’

Map of Martyr’s Knowe

View from Southern Upland Way of Martyr’s Knowe (background centre) © Iain Thompson and licensed for reuse.

‘It happened, while Drumlanrig and his party were on the hillock [at Martyr’s Knowe], that some of the dragoons who were scouring the adjacent hills in search of the reputed rebels, seized a boy who was returning from Glenshilloch to Cogshead, carrying an empty wooden vessel, called by the peasantry a kit, in which were several horn spoons—a proof to the soldiers that he had been conveying provisions to some individuals among the hills, and they naturally suspected that the individuals of whom they were in quest were the persons. Under this impression, they carried him to their commander, who strictly interrogated him, but without eliciting anything satisfactory. The firmness of the youth enraged Drumlanrig, who drew his sword with the intent to run him through the body, and would have slain him on the spot, had not a second thought occurred, that by using other and gentler means he might eventually succeed in obtaining all the information he desired. With this design he caused him to be bound hand and foot, while he sent out the soldiers in the direction in which he had been seen returning over the hills. It was not long before the troopers, in descending the north side of the mountain, found the men in their hiding-place [in Glenshalloch]. They pounced on them as a falcon on his quarry, and secured [David] Dun, [Simon] Paterson, and [John] Richard, while [William] Brown, [Robert] Morris, and [James] Welsh made their escape.’

The ‘Providential’ Thunderstorm
The party of fugitives were split in two. The prisoners were taken back to Drumlanrig on Martyr’s Knowe where providence intervened:

‘The troopers having been so far successful in their object, were seen returning triumphantly over the height; but ere they reached the rendezvous, an unexpected occurrence befell, which fairly routed the assailants, and accomplished the deliverance of the prisoners. In the hilly districts, after a clear and chilly night in summer, the incident of a thunder-storm after high noon is not unfrequent. When the sun has fully evaporated the dew, small dense clouds with bright edges begin to appear above the tops of the higher eminences, and, gradually increasing in size, and approximating each other, form, in a short time, a dark and lowering mass of vapour, which soon overspreads the whole sky. An immediate thunder-storm is the consequence, and so terrific sometimes is the explosion from the clouds, and the gush of waters from the teeming firmament, as to alarm the stoutest heart. In these cases the fiery bolts, falling incessantly on the hills, tear up the benty surface for a great space around; and the tumultuous descent of the waters, covering the green sides of the hills with a white foam, gathers into a torrent, which carries moss, and soil, and rocks promiscuously to the vale beneath, and forms, all at once, a trench down the steep declivity, which afterwards becomes the channel of a mountain rivulet.’

‘It was with one of these hasty storms that Drumlanrig and his party were visited, and which had been gathering over them unperceived. When the dragoons who led the three prisoners were within a short distance of Drumlanrig’s station on the Martyr’s Knowe, the first burst of thunder rattled its startling peal over their heads. The horses snorted, and the sheep on the neighbouring heath crowded together, as if for mutual protection. The rapid descent of the hail, the loud roaring of the thunder, like the simultaneous discharge of a hundred cannon from the battlements of the hills, and the flashing of the sheeted lightning in the faces of the animals, rendered them unmanageable, and they scampered off in every direction, like the fragments of a fleeing army that has been signally routed on the battlefield.’

‘In the confusion, Drumlanrig himself panic-struck—as when Heaven bears testimony, by terrible things in righteousness, against the ungodly when caught in their deeds of wickedness—fled from the face of the tempest, reckless both of his men and of his prisoners, provided he could obtain a place of shelter. It is not said to what place he fled; but there can be no doubt that it was to the farm-house of Cogshead, which was scarcely half a mile from the place where he stood.’

‘When the soldiers saw their master retreating with such precipitancy from the warring of the elements, they followed his example, and let go the captives. The three worthy men stood undaunted in the storm, because they knew that the God who guided its fury, was He in whose cause they were suffering; and though it was regarded with consternation hy their enemies, it was hailed as a friendly deliverer by them, who were incessantly exposed to the pitiless storms of a wrathful persecution, compared with which the fierce raging of the elements was mildness itself.’

‘When the prisoners found themselves at liberty, and being shrouded in the mantling of the murky tempest, they resolved to embrace the opportunity of instant flight. As they passed the Martyr’s Knowe, they observed a person lying on its summit, apparently lifeless. This they found to be the little boy who had brought them provisions in the morning, and whom Drumlanrig, in his haste, had left bound on the spot. They untied him, and found that he was not dead, but only stunned with terror. Having raised him up, and informed him of what had occurred, and directed him to keep himself in concealment till the soldiers should leave the glen, they went westward and sought a retreat among the wilds in the upper parts of Galloway.’

Burnfoot © Bob Forrest and licensed for reuse.

The Fate of Dun, Paterson and Richard
The three men who escaped to upper Galloway were David Dun, Simon Paterson and John Richard.

David Dun and Simon Paterson were captured by Lieutenant-General William Drummond’s force of Highlanders soon after one of James Renwick’s field preachings in May, 1685. They are both shot at Cumnock and are buried there.

John Richard was possibly the fugitive John Richard in Burnfoot, Muirkirk parish, Ayrshire, who had eluded capture.

Map of Burnfoot

Craignorth © Oliver Dixon and licensed for reuse.

The Fate of Brown, Morris and Welsh
‘The other three who escaped at Glenshilloch, namely Brown, Morris, and Welsh, fled northward, and were intercepted by the party who were sent up the vale of the Crawick. Brown and Morris were shot at the back of Craignorth, where they lie interred in the places respectively where they fell’. (Simpson, Traditions, 150-3.)

Craignorth hill lies just over a kilometre from Glenshalloch.

In another chapter, Simpson recorded:

‘A similar incident … occurred at Craignorth, an abrupt and magnificent mountain near the source of the Crawick, where two Covenanters, named Brown and Morris, were killed by the soldiers. The incident, it is said, befell in 1685—the year in which so many of the worthies were shot in the fields. Two small rivulets descend from the hill on which they were slaughtered; the name of the one is Brown’s Cleuch, and of the other Morris’ Cleuch.’ (Simpson, Traditions, 134-5.)

Map of Craignorth

Street View of Brown’s Cleuch

Street View of Entry to Morris Cleuch      Aerial View of Morris Cleuch

‘[James] Welsh, in the meantime, made his escape, and remained in concealment among the Nithsdale mountains.’ (Simpson, Traditions, 153.)

A cleuch near Craignorth is also said to be the site of another martyr’s burial recorded by tradition.

For other “martyrs” only recorded in tradition, see John Dempster, the Black Clauchrie, Killoup Wood and Half Merk Covenanters, and the Gibb’s Corse martyr.

Additional Text © Copyright Dr Mark Jardine. All Rights Reserved.

The Unknown Covenanter in Chapman’s Cleuch near Sanquhar

•May 17, 2012 • 1 Comment

In Traditions of the Covenanters (1846), the Reverend Robert Simpson, a minister at Sanquhar, claimed that an unnamed martyr of the Killing Times of 1685 was buried near the Crawick Water in his parish. This death is only recorded by Simpson’s tradition.

Near Chapman’s Cleuch © Chris Wimbush and licensed for reuse.

‘Near the head of Chapman Cleuch, in the neighbourhood of Nether Cog, lies a martyr; but neither his name nor the names of those by whom he was killed are known.’ (Simpson, Traditions, 135.)

Chapman’s Cleuch lies in the hills on the east side of the Crawick Water in Sanquhar parish, Dumfriesshire.

Map of Chapman’s Cleuch          Street View of Chapman’s Cleuch

Nether Cog © Chris Wimbush and licensed for reuse.

Simpson then made a inflated claim about the numbers shot in the fields as a justification for why the martyr’s name had not been recorded.

‘More than five hundred persons were shot by the military in the fields, and therefore it is not to be expected that the names of all these individuals, or the circumstances of their death, could be recorded by history, or retained by tradition. (Simpson, Traditions, 135.)

There are just over one hundred known or alleged summary executions recorded for the Killing Times.

Additional Text © Copyright Dr Mark Jardine. All Rights Reserved.

The Three Covenanters Hanged at Wigtown in 1685

•May 16, 2012 • 1 Comment

The three Covenanters simultaneously hanged at Wigtown in 1685 is one of the most obscure events in the annals of the Killing Times. Beyond the inscription on their grave and a brief account of their deaths at the hands of ‘Major Winram’ little was known about them. Their obscurity is all the more remarkable when one considers that they are buried right next to the two women drowned at Wigtown whose deaths have famously been the subject of historical controversy for over three centuries.

However, the story of William Johnston, John McIlroy and George Walker, not only has intriguing connections to the famous Wigtown Martyrs, it also links to three other killings, torture, banishments to Jamaica, and a field preaching by Alexander Peden. …

The Martyrs’ Graves at Wigtown © Lairich Rig and licensed for reuse.

The inscription on their eighteenth-century gravestone is as follows:

‘HERE LYSE WILLIAM JOHNSTO
JOHN MILROY GEORGE WALKER
WHO WAS WITHOUT SENTE
NCE OF LAW HANGED BY MA
JOR WINRAM FOR THEIR ADHER
ANCE TO SCOTLAND’S REFOR
MATION COVENANTS NATIO
NAL AND SOLAM LEAGWE
1685’
(See also Thompson, Martyr Graves, 429.)

Map of the Grave at Wigtown        Street View of Wigtown Kirkyard

The inscription is unusual in that it was not based on the testimony of either Shields or Cloud of Witnesses. Shields did not record their deaths and Cloud only recorded the inscription after the gravestone was erected. (Thompson (ed.), CW, 606.)

However, Wodrow did record their execution:

‘Some time this year, there were three men in the parish of Penningham taken and executed very summarily, William Johnston gardener to the laird of Fintilloch, George Walker servant in Kirkauly, and John Milroy chapman, living in Fintilloch.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 252.)

Sheuchan © David Baird and licensed for reuse.

William Johnston in Fintalloch
Johnston does not appear on the parish list for Penninghame of September, 1684. However, a William Johnston is listed on the parish roll for Inch parish of October, 1684, as resident or ‘gardener’ in ‘Seuchan’, now known as Sheuchan, in Wigtownshire. Sheuchan was held by Andrew Agnew of Sheuchan, who lived in Leswalt parish. In 1685, Agnew was appointed as a commissioner of supply for Wigtownshire. Before Johnston appeared at Fintalloch in 1685, he may have been Agnew’s gardener.

Map of Sheuchan

According to Wodrow, Johnston had attended church (perhaps in Inch parish?):

‘[William Johnston] had been abundantly conform, yea, had taken the test [oath] some time before; but after he had swallowed that oath he fell under deep remorse, and became seriously thoughtful about his sins, soul’s state and spiritual things, about which he had no concern before. Whereupon he deserted hearing the curate, who soon informed against him, and he was forced to leave his house, and wander.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 252.)

If Johnston lived at Sheuchan, he would have been a parishioner of the local minister, James Cameron. In October, 1684, Cameron did not describe Johnston as a withdrawer from the church. At some point after October, 1684, Johnston may have left Agnew’s employment and moved to Fintalloch in Penninghame parish.

If Wodrow’s account in broadly accurate, then James Colquhoun was probably the ‘curate’, or minister, who informed against Johnston. As we shall see, Colquhoun also informed against others in his parish who were not listed as withdrawers from the kirk on his parish list of September, 1684.

Knowe © Humphrey Bolton and licensed for reuse.

The house and garden at Fintalloch, aka. Fyntalloch, has now disappeared, but it lay a little to the northeast of Knowe. Today, the area is partially covered by forest.

Map of Fintalloch        Street View Towards Fintalloch

Garwachie © Andy Farrington and licensed for reuse.

John McIlroy in Fintalloch
The ‘chapman’ named John Milroy, was probably either ‘Joh[n]. McIlroy’ in Garwachie (now vanished), or the ‘Joh[n]. McIlroy’ in Blackquarter, who are both listed on Colquhoun’s parish roll of 1684.

Map of Garwachie

Map of Blackquarter

Both McIlroy and Johnston appear to have received shelter from Archibald Stewart, the laird of Fintalloch, and his wife, Marjory Dunbar. The laird had been fined £1,000 for his presbyterian sympathies. In September, 1684, Lady Fintalloch was listed as a withdrawer from church by James Colquhoun. (M’Kerlie, History of Galloway, II, 120.)

Kirkcalla © Mark McKie and licensed for reuse.

George Walker in Kirkcalla
The last member of the trio was George Walker, a servant in Kirkcalla.

Map of Kirkcalla

Kirkcalla lay in the lands of Elizabeth Gordon, Lady Castle Stewart, the wife of Colonel William Stewart, the third son of James, earl of Galloway, (d.1671). Castle Stewart sat in the first parliament of James VII in April to May, 1685. Lady Castle Stewart was listed as a withdrawer from church by James Colquhoun on the parish list of September, 1684. At that time, she was absent from the parish. (M’Kerlie, History of Galloway, II, 124; Agnew, Agnews of Lochnaw, 425.)

George Walker does not appear on either the parish list for Penninghame, or on any other parish list in Wigtownshire, in 1684. Instead, the residents of Kirkcalla listed by Colquhoun were William McIlroy and his wife, Grizal Stewart, and William McIlroy and his wife, Jonet Gordon.

Taken together, the evidence for all three men suggests that after the Abjuration oath was pressed in Wigtownshire in early 1685, that they sought refuge at Fintalloch and Kirkcalla.

The Capture of Johnston, McIlroy and Walker
According to Wodrow, all three men had gone into hiding:

‘For some time … [Johnston, McIlroy and Walker] kept close in their hiding places; but after many remarkable escapes, they were at last taken by a party sent out by major Windram, and brought in prisoners to Wigton’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 252.)

The role of ‘Major Windram’, aka. Captain ‘Major’ George Winram of His Majesty’s Regiment of Dragoons, narrows down the time frame for their execution. Winram was not commissioned in the Dragoons until early May, 1685, when the captaincy of John Inglis’s troop was handed to Winram after the debacle of the prisoner rescue at Newmilns. At around the time that Winram was commissioned, his troop was redeployed from Ayrshire to Galloway. On 11 May, 1685, Winram is alleged to have participated in the drowning of two women at Wigtown.

Winram’s role in the capture of the three men may indicate that they were executed at some point between c.10 May and July, 1685.

Glenvernoch © Leslie Barrie and licensed for reuse.

It is of some interest that Winram is also alleged to have taken part in the executions of the two female Wigtown martyrs and the three men from Penninghame parish, as both cases connect to the area around Kirkcalla and Fintalloch. One of the women drowned at Wigtown, Margaret Wilson, lived at Glenvernoch, a neighbouring farm to both Kirkcalla and Fintalloch.

Map of Glenvernoch        Street View of Glenvernoch

Margaret Wilson’s brother had also gone into hiding at around the time that the Abjuration oath was pressed in Penninghame parish. On Colquhoun’s parish list of September, 1684, ‘Tho. Wilson, somtyme in Glenvernock’ was listed as a withdrawer from public worship.

According to the Penninghame kirk session records of 1711, her brother, Thomas, reputedly aged sixteen, was ‘keeping the mountains’ from February, 1685. (Stewart, History Vindicated, 87.)

It is possible that the cases of the two women drowned at Wigtown and the capture of Johnston, McIlroy and Walker are connected in some way, as they both involve the same location, officer and time frame. If they are, then the drowning of the women at Wigtown probably preceded the capture of the three men.

After Winram’s ‘party’ had captured them, all three men were brought to Wigtown ‘where the major examined them, and they declining to answer some of his interrogatories, and peremptorily refusing to join in hearing the episcopal minister, without the trouble of an assize, or trial, caused hang them all at Wigton the very day after they were apprehended.’(Wodrow, History, IV, 252.)

The implication of Wodrow’s account of their questioning by Winram is that all three men were probably executed after they declined the Abjuration oath.

“Another” Raid on Kirkcalla?
It may not be a coincidence that Wodrow also recorded a raid on the McIlroy brothers at Kirkcalla in June or early July, 1685:

‘There is but one other instance, with which I shall end this general account of the persecution upon the score of the abjuration [oath of 1685], which I have well attested from the parish of Penni[n]gham in Galloway, by the late worthy and learned Mr Robert Rowan minister there, and it is the case of the M[c]ilroys in that parish. … I give it mostly in the words of my dear friend, though I must shorten them.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 184-5.)

The Rev. Rowan’s kirk session records for Penninghame were Wodrow’s source for the drowning of the two women at Wigtown. Wodrow continues:

‘There were two brothers in that parish, Gilbert and William M[c]ilroys, living at Kirkaulay [i.e., Kirkcalla] in Castle-stuart’s land. Last year [i.e., 1684] when the test [oath] was pressed violently [in October], William took it, and Gilbert compounded with the sheriff-depute [of Wigtownshire, [David Graham, brother of Claverhouse,] to get his name out of the rolls, and actually gave him twelve pounds, and got off.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

Gilbert and William McIlroy may have been kin to John McIlroy. They certainly appear to have harboured George Walker at Kirkcalla.

‘But this year [1685] when all were obliged to abjure [i.e., swear the Abjuration oath in public, probably in mid January or early February], these two, with their younger brother Patrick M[c]ilroy, having no clearness to swear, were obliged to abscond and wander.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

Patrick McIlroy may be the ‘Patrick McIlroy’ in Clonch, i.e., Claunch, in Sorbie parish, or the Patrick McKilroy’ in High Galdenoch in Stoneykirk parish, listed on the parish lists of 1684. In 1711, Patrick McIlroy was one of the elders on Penninghame kirk session who provided information about the drownings at Wigtown. (Stewart, History Vindicated, 90.)

Like William Johnston, John McIlroy and George Walker, William and Gilbert McIlroy had either taken, or, in the case of Gilbert, paid to avoid, the test oath in late 1684. However, it appears that all of them then failed to take the Abjuration oath, which renounced the Society people’s ‘war’ against the King and elements of the Restoration regime in early 1685.

Why would some of these men have taken the Test oath, which acknowledged royal authority, but not the Abjuration oath, which declared ‘war’ on the King? Why they refused the Abjuration oath is not known, but two factors may have influenced their adoption of militant attitudes.

First, it is possible that some of them were influenced by the militant preaching of James Renwick, who appears to have been in the area in late 1684 or early 1685.

Second, the pressing of the Abjuration oath in Wigtownshire may have come after the accession to the throne of the Catholic king, James VII. Some of the men may have been able to acknowledge the authority of Charles II, but not that of his Catholic brother.

The party ‘sent out’ by Winram?
As discussed above, Winram sent a ‘party’ of troops to seize Johnston, McIlroy and Walker. Was Winram’s ‘party’ the seventy-strong troop of horse that Wodrow recorded raiding Kirkcalla in June or July, 1685?

‘In June or July this year, the earl of Hume sent his Merse militia to their houses [i.e., Kirkcalla], and rifled them, and drove away all the cattle they could reach. And two days after, seventy horsemen came under cloud of night upon them, continued all night, and destroyed all the foot had left, committing great severities upon the women who were in the houses [Grizal Stewart and Jonet Gordon], particularly upon Gilbert’s wife [Jonet Gordon], when she offered to detain from them some wearing clothes of her own, which, she said, men had no use for; they seized her and put lighted matches betwixt her fingers, and grievously tormented her and several others.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

There is no way of knowing the veracity of Wodrow’s allegation of torture by ‘lighted matches’. However, the implication of the torture story is that the troops suspected that Jonet Gordon and others were withholding information about their quarry.

In his story of the raid against the McIlroy brothers, Wodrow described two raids on Kirkcalla. The first was conducted by the foot of the Earl of Hume’s Merse militia and the second by horse. Winram was a commander of mounted dragoons. On the following day, the ‘horse’ troop conducted a search.

‘Early next morning they searched the fields about the house, and seized Gilbert Milroy’s brother William, with a servant of about sixteen years of age, who were lying hid among the corn, and carried them prisoners to Monnigaff.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

Was George Walker the sixteen-year-old servant seized? Wodrow did describe Walker as a servant in Kirkcalla. If Walker was the servant, then the executions of Walker, Johnston and John McIlroy must have taken place soon after William McIlroy was captured in the fields at Kirkcalla.

The force of horse also finished off the job of confiscating the McIlroys’ property:

‘They likewise took with them the remains of the cattle and household-stuff which had been put out of the way before. The number of cattle taken from them at both times, was eighty black cattle, besides a great many young ones which were with them, not numbered, twenty four score of sheep, eight horses and mares, some of them worth an hundred pounds. The destruction of corns by eating, treading down, and their frequent ranging the fields, cannot be computed; and what was not destroyed their families durst not stay to reap, and so it was entirely lost: their crop was twenty four bolls of sowing each, of Galloway measure.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

Wodrow did not record when Gilbert McIlroy was captured, but he was presumably taken in either the first or second raid. Both Gilbert and William were taken to Minnigaff in Kirkcudbrightshire.

Map of Minnigaff

They were allegedly tortured:

‘Next day Gilbert and William were brought before [James Hume] the earl of Hume at Monnigaff, and were examined as to their keeping the church, converse with whigs, and who among their neighbours used to reset them. When they declined to answer upon those points, they were put to the now ordinary torture of lighted matches betwixt their fingers, but through God’s grace they endured all, and would make no discoveries.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

James Hume, fifth earl of Home (d.c.1687), had received a justiciary commission to administer oaths and clampdown on dissent in Berwickshire on 13 January, 1685. His commission was renewed by James VII on 12 February and on 27 March he was further commissioned to assist Colonel James Douglas’s repression in the South of Scotland. (Wodrow, History, IV, 164, 204, 207.)

It is not known why Gilbert McIlroy, William McIlroy and Jonet Gordon were allegedly singled out for torture, but the story suggests that the troops were determined to obtain further information which they assumed that the residents of Kirkcalla were withholding.

The ordeal continued:

‘Here [in Minnigaff] they were kept six days, and every day threatened with present death, if they would not comply, conform, and delate such whom they knew in the neighbourhood did reset persecuted people. As the severities of the officers and commanders were great, so the impiety of the common soldiers deserves our notice. Gilbert Milroy’s wife [Jonet Gordon] was come to Monnigaff to wait upon her husband; she had gone out to the fields to pray, and one of the soldiers overhearing this good woman, came up to her, and drawing his sword threatened to kill her for praying; however he was restrained, and only brought her prisoner to the captain of the guard, bawling out against her prayers, and swearing they were treason. The captain saw good to dismiss her.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

If George Walker was taken at the same time as William McIlroy, then he, and presumably John McIlroy and William Johnston who were probably captured at the around the same time, may have been quickly taken the seven-and-a-half miles from Minnigaff to Wigtown, the chief burgh of the shire, and executed.

The approximate date of their execution may be determined from the chronology of the McIlroy brothers’ journey to Edinburgh. Gilbert and William McIlroy were banished at Edinburgh on 24 July, 1685. It is not known how long the brothers were held in Edinburgh, but their journey there accounts for at least ten days. (Six days at Minnigaff, three days at Barr kirk and one night at Hamilton.) That information suggests that the executions of the three men at Wigtown took place in either June or early July, 1685.

Barr © Gordon Brown and licensed for reuse.

The Capture of the McIlroy Brothers and the Barrhill Martyrs
The McIlroy’s journey may also establish the time frame for the killings of the two Barrhill martyrs and Alexander Linn by the forces of Lieutenant-General William Drummond.

After six days at Minnigaff, Gilbert and William McIlroy were taken north to Barr in Carrick where they were examined by Lieutenant-General Drummond:

‘Her husband [Gilbert] and his brother, with several others, were carried under a guard to the church of Bar, tied together two and two, like beasts for the slaughter; there they were kept three days and examined by major-general Drummond, who hectored and threatened them terribly, telling them, if they would not comply, and inform where the whigs haunted, and who used to reset them, he would send their dittay with them, so that they should be hanged without an assize as soon as they came to Edinburgh: but nothing prevailed upon them to act against their conscience.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 185.)

The placement of Drummond at Barr kirk (now vanished) suggests that the Barrhill martyrs and Alexander Linn were shot at around the same time in June to early July, 1685.

Map of the church at Barr

After their examination at Barr, the McIlroy brothers were sent north to Hamilton and on to Edinburgh where they were banished to Jamaica.

According to Wodrow, the “curate” of Penninghame was partly responsible for their harsh treatment:

‘Mr James Colquhoun, episcopal minister at Penningbam, had no small share in their being thus treated. Gilbert Milroy found means to treat with him when he was apprehended, and sent him a good wedder upon his promise to speak and act in his favours. Gilbert’s wife [Jonet Gordon] afterwards went to Mr Colquhoun, and asked a line in her husband’s favours: accordingly, he wrote a letter and sealed it, giving it to herself to carry in with her to Edinburgh. In this line, instead of acting in the prisoner’s favours, he informed the judges that he was a disloyal person of rebellious principles. This, together with their refusing to comply and swear the present oaths, brought on their sentence, which was to have their ears cut off, and to be banished for ten years; and when their sentence was intimated, they were put in the iron-house. In a few days some of the counsellors came in to them with a surgeon, who cut off the ears of all the prisoners who came from Monnigaff, except Gilbert Milroy, who was then so fatigued and weak, that he appeared to be in a dying condition; and after the surgeon had his scissors about his ear, he passed him as a dying man. … About five or six days thereafter, Gilbert Milroy with the rest of the sentenced prisoners in the iron-house, were taken out, and six and six of them tied together, and such of them as were not able to walk, which was the case of severals, were carried upon carts to Newhaven, put into a ship lying there, and thrust under deck, two and two of them fettered together, to the number of an hundred and ninety.’ (Wodrow, History, IV, 186.)

Craigminn © Andy Farrington and licensed for reuse.

Peden’s Preaching at Craigmin
Patrick Walker also claims that a field preaching by Alexander Peden at Craigminn took place at around the same time as the deaths of Johnston, McIlroy and George Walker:

‘Three Lads murdered at Wigtoun; at the same time he [Alexander Peden] was Praying at Craigmyne, many Miles distant, he cryed out, There’s a Bloody Sacrifice put up this Day at Wigtoun; these are the Lads of Kirkelly. And these who lived near; knew not of it till it was past. I had this Account from William M’Dougal, an old Man in Ferrytoun, near Wigtoun, worthy of Credit, who was present.’ (Walker, BP, I, 69.)

Craigmyne, now Craigminn, is a hill at the east end of Glen Trool.

Map of Craigminn

The date of Peden’s preaching is not known, but it must have taken place after Peden returned to Scotland in 1685, i.e., between March and June.

Walker’s claimed that he had received accounts of Peden’s Craigminn preaching from several witnesses. One witness lived at Ferrytoun, or Ferrytown of Cree, which was the departure point for the ferry crossing Wigtown Bay to the burgh of Wigtown. Today, it is known as Creetown and lies in Kirkmabreck parish, Kirkcudbrightshire.

Map of Creetown

Ballochbeatties © Mary and Angus Hogg and licensed for reuse.

A second witness, who accompanied Peden, was James Cubison in Ballochbeatties. (Walker, BP, I, 64.)

The farm at Ballochbeatties lies about ten miles to the north of Glen Trool in Straiton parish, Carrick, Ayrshire. Today, Ballochbeatties lies close to the southern shore of the expanded Loch Bradan reservoir, but in 1685 it was a remote moorland farm.

Map of Ballochbeatties

Text © Copyright Dr Mark Jardine. All Rights Reserved.

James Renwick and the Preaching Stone in Nithsdale

•May 11, 2012 • Leave a Comment

At some point, probably between 1684 and 1687, James Renwick held at least one field conventicle at the Preaching Stone, which lies on the boundary between the parishes of Keir and Glencairn in Nithsdale, Dumfriesshire.

Map of the Preaching Stone

The Preaching Stone © Walter Baxter and licensed for reuse.

According to the entry for Keir parish in the New Statistical Account (1841):
‘A stone, with the initials of James Renwick, on the ridge of Keir hill, above Staigholes, commemorates the place where he used to preach during the times of persecution’ (NSA, IV, 467.)

According to the Canmore database: ‘The Preaching Stone (name not confirmed) is an angular granite stone measuring 0.8m by 0.7m and 0.4m high inscribed ‘James Renwick’.
Visited by OS (TRG) 19 July 1977.’

The stone is also inscribed ‘Heb: XI, 33-38’, a biblical reference which evokes the persecution of Renwick and the Society people. Heb. 11.33-38. is as follows:

‘Who through faith subdued kingdoms, wrought righteousness, obtained promises, stopped the mouths of lions,
Quenched the violence of fire, escaped the edge of the sword, out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiant in fight, turned to flight the armies of the aliens.
Women received their dead raised to life again: and others were tortured, not accepting deliverance; that they might obtain a better resurrection:
And others had trial of cruel mockings and scourgings, yea, moreover of bonds and imprisonment:
They were stoned, they were sawn asunder, were tempted, were slain with the sword: they wandered about in sheepskins and goatskins; being destitute, afflicted, tormented;
(Of whom the world was not worthy:) they wandered in deserts, and in mountains, and in dens and caves of the earth.’

Text © Copyright Dr Mark Jardine. All Rights Reserved.

The Lost Martyr’s Stone in the Forest of Ae

•May 10, 2012 • 1 Comment

Is it still there? Or has it disappeared? In Kirkmichael parish, Dumfriesshire, the OS Six-inch First Edition Maps of Scotland (1854-58) marks a large stone as ‘Gibb’s Corse (Martyr’s Stone)’.

According to the OS Name Book of 1857:

‘This stone is said to commemorate the death of a martyr named Gilbert who was killed on this spot at the time of the persecution.’

If it is, or was, a martyr’s stone that is connected in some way to the Killing Times of 1685, then it refers a death which was not recorded by either the historical sources, or published in any collection of traditions.

The location of the stone, if it is still there, lies close to an intersection of forest tracks, one of which is marked as a cycleway. Recently, much of the area was clear cut to expose the landscape for the first time in decades.

Map of Approximate location of Gibb’s Corse

Aerial View of approx location of Gibb’s Corse

Forest of Ae  © Iain Thompson and licensed for reuse.

In 1891, Thompson, who appears to have specific information about the stone, mentioned Gibb’s Corse in an article:

‘In Kirkmichael parish, on the high grounds that rise up on the west of Glenkilt Burn to the height of eleven hundred feet, and form a table land, the Ordnance Map has marked “Gibb’s corse, Martyr’s stone.” The stone is of some size, and makes one wonder how it got there. It is easily come upon in the moor. Who Gibb was, or how he came to be reckoned a martyr, I have not met any one able to tell me.’ (Thompson in Transactions and Journal of Proceedings of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History & Antiquarian Society, 1891 Vol.7, 13.)

From Thompson’s description, it sounds like a substantial boulder which would be ‘easily come upon’ if it sat in a moorland setting, rather than pine forest.

According to the Canmore database:

‘(NY 0028 9325) Gibb’s Corse (NR)
(Martyr’s Stone).
OS 6″ map, (1957) [1857?]

This stone could not be found in dense afforestation nor was it located prior to forestry ploughing (information from Head Forester, Forest of Ae, Ae)
Visited by OS (T R G) 1 September 1977.’

The NLS maps website gives the approximate location of Gibb’s Corse as:
NY02932
300273, 593240
-3.56928, 55.22327

Is it still there? Let me know!

Text © Copyright Dr Mark Jardine. All Rights Reserved.